| |
|
Since the beginning of the 1990s the class collaboration between the TUC leadership, the employers' organisation (NHO) and the state has been called the "Solidarity alternative". The content of this "alternative" is well known all over Europe: the workers must have moderate wage increases, so as to strengthen competitivity. The wage increases must not be higher than in the countries that Norway has most trade with.
The grassroots of the trade unions have been against this "alternative" all along. In 1998 the opposition within the largest union in the private sector - Fellesforbundet - won a vote in the leadership for sectorwise/occupationalwise national negotiations for collective agreements. The leadership of the TUC wanted centralised negotiations. The spring of 1998 witnessed many well fought strikes, both in the transport areas, the Hotels and Restaurants and so on. This resulted in general wage increases, much higher than in the countries Norway trades with. The collective agreements in Norway have, for the most part been for two year periods.
In January 2000 the opposition lost the vote on the question of centralised bargaining, and the TUC leadership commenced to negotiate for the private sector as a whole. The result was made public on April 1st. It was definitely according to the "solidarity alternative".
The top leadership was split, four of the leaders were against the new collective agreement. In Norway the results of collective negotiations are put to a referendum among the trade union members involved. This has lead to a defeat for the TUC leadership some times before. These results were also put to a referendum. This time the majority of no votes was historically high: 64% voted against.
The commencing strike was formally lead by the TUC-leadership, but was in reality lead by the left opposition. And the strike had massive support in the general public. During the strike the opposition formed new demands:
After a short week with over 80.000 on strike, the TUC leadership and the employers commenced new negotiations. After some hours the following results were put forward for a new vote on May 9th:
This time the negotiation results were unanimous from the TUC leadership. The results are put to a new referendum that will be finished by May 25th. It is expected that there will be a majority yes with the new results.
The general attitude of the left opposition in Norway is that the strike is a great victory, both against the employers and in the struggle against those that put collaboration with the capitalists instead of solidarity with workers internationally. As the leader of the Transport Workers' Union, Per Østvold, put it: We must collaborate with the trade unions internationally to support each other in gaining higher wages and better standards of living, not cooperate with the bosses in Norway to increase competitivity.
The strike grew in strength each day it lasted, and the self-confidence of the trade union members grew proportionately. The social-democrats in the top of the TUC have experienced a major political defeat.
But still, there is not much jubilation over the result in itself. The flexibilisation clauses are not removed. And 1,50 as a general wage rise is not a lot of money. On May 15th the local organisation of the TUC unions in Norway's third largest town, Trondheim and local unions in various parts of Norway in the private sector have decided to start a new campaign to vote NO again. The main content of this campaign is to direct attention to the new flexibility clauses and the need to struggle in defence of the normal working day, to defend overtime pay, shift work pay and so on. The campaign has sent its appeal to local unions all over Norway. Even though it does not expect to win the referendum, the campaign aims for many no votes and expects to strengthen the struggle against flexibilisation among the grass-roots in the unions of Norway.
On May 26th we will know if there will be any strikes in the public sector where the demands for wage rises are higher than in the private sector. The trade union members in the public sector are more ambitious after the strike in the private sector.
The struggle against "social dialogue", "social pacts", and other forms of class collaboration has taken a step forward in the spring of 2000. Meanwhile, a governmental committee is preparing changes in the legislation concerning labour relations. This committee is to put forward its suggestions by the end of the year. It will not come as a surprise if this committee suggests changes that will undermine union rights and union democracy. The battle is over, but the war goes on.